Un artículo de Cris Hedges. Publicado el 2 de marzo /
College-educated elites, on behalf of corporations, carried out the savage neoliberal assault on the working poor. Now they are being made to pay. Their duplicity—embodied in politicians such as Bill and Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama—succeeded for decades. These elites, many from East Coast Ivy League schools, spoke the language of values—civility, inclusivity, a condemnation of overt racism and bigotry, a concern for the middle class—while thrusting a knife into the back of the underclass for their corporate masters. This game has ended.
There are tens of millions of Americans, especially lower-class whites, rightfully enraged at what has been done to them, their families and their communities. They have risen up to reject the neoliberal policies and political correctness imposed on them by college-educated elites from both political parties: Lower-class whites are embracing an American fascism.
These Americans want a kind of freedom—a freedom to hate. They want the freedom to use words like “nigger,” “kike,” “spic,” “chink,” “raghead” and “fag.” They want the freedom to idealize violence and the gun culture. They want the freedom to have enemies, to physically assault Muslims, undocumented workers, African-Americans, homosexuals and anyone who dares criticize their cryptofascism. They want the freedom to celebrate historical movements and figures that the college-educated elites condemn, including the Ku Klux Klan and the Confederacy. They want the freedom to ridicule and dismiss intellectuals, ideas, science and culture. They want the freedom to silence those who have been telling them how to behave. And they want the freedom to revel in hypermasculinity, racism, sexism and white patriarchy. These are the core sentiments of fascism. These sentiments are engendered by the collapse of the liberal state.
The Democrats are playing a very dangerous game by anointing Hillary Clinton as their presidential candidate. She epitomizes the double-dealing of the college-educated elites, those who speak the feel-your-pain language of ordinary men and women, who hold up the bible of political correctness, while selling out the poor and the working class to corporate power.
The Republicans, energized by America’s reality-star version of Il Duce, Donald Trump, have been pulling in voters, especially new voters, while the Democrats are well below the voter turnouts for 2008. In the voting Tuesday, 5.6 million votes were cast for the Democrats while 8.3 million went to the Republicans. Those numbers were virtually reversed in 2008—8.2 million for the Democrats and about 5 million for the Republicans.
Richard Rorty in his last book, “Achieving Our Country,” written in 1998, presciently saw where our postindustrial nation was headed.
Many writers on socioeconomic policy have warned that the old industrialized democracies are heading into a Weimar-like period, one in which populist movements are likely to overturn constitutional governments. Edward Luttwak, for example, has suggested that fascism may be the American future. The point of his book The Endangered American Dream is that members of labor unions, and unorganized unskilled workers, will sooner or later realize that their government is not even trying to prevent wages from sinking or to prevent jobs from being exported. Around the same time, they will realize that suburban white-collar workers—themselves desperately afraid of being downsized—are not going to let themselves be taxed to provide social benefits for anyone else.
At that point, something will crack. The nonsuburban electorate will decide that the system has failed and start looking around for a strongman to vote for—someone willing to assure them that, once he is elected, the smug bureaucrats, tricky lawyers, overpaid bond salesmen, and postmodernist professors will no longer be calling the shots. A scenario like that of Sinclair Lewis’ novel It Can’t Happen Here may then be played out. For once a strongman takes office, nobody can predict what will happen. In 1932, most of the predictions made about what would happen if Hindenburg named Hitler chancellor were wildly overoptimistic.
One thing that is very likely to happen is that the gains made in the past forty years by black and brown Americans, and by homosexuals, will be wiped out. Jocular contempt for women will come back into fashion. The words “nigger” and “kike” will once again be heard in the workplace. All the sadism which the academic Left has tried to make unacceptable to its students will come flooding back. All the resentment which badly educated Americans feel about having their manners dictated to them by college graduates will find an outlet.
Fascist movements build their base not from the politically active but the politically inactive, the “losers” who feel, often correctly, they have no voice or role to play in the political establishment. The sociologist Émile Durkheim warned that the disenfranchisement of a class of people from the structures of society produced a state of “anomie”—a “condition in which society provides little moral guidance to individuals.” Those trapped in this “anomie,” he wrote, are easy prey to propaganda and emotionally driven mass movements. Hannah Arendt, echoing Durkheim, noted that “the chief characteristic of the mass man is not brutality and backwardness, but his isolation and lack of normal social relationships.”
In fascism the politically disempowered and disengaged, ignored and reviled by the establishment, discover a voice and a sense of empowerment.
As Arendt noted, the fascist and communist movements in Europe in the 1930s “… recruited their members from this mass of apparently indifferent people whom all other parties had given up as too apathetic or too stupid for their attention. The result was that the majority of their membership consisted of people who had never before appeared on the political scene. This permitted the introduction of entirely new methods into political propaganda, and indifference to the arguments of political opponents; these movements not only placed themselves outside and against the party system as a whole, they found a membership that had never been reached, never been ‘spoiled’ by the party system. Therefore they did not need to refute opposing arguments and consistently preferred methods which ended in death rather than persuasion, which spelled terror rather than conviction. They presented disagreements as invariably originating in deep natural, social, or psychological sources beyond the control of the individual and therefore beyond the control of reason. This would have been a shortcoming only if they had sincerely entered into competition with either parties; it was not if they were sure of dealing with people who had reason to be equally hostile to all parties.”
Fascism is aided and advanced by the apathy of those who are tired of being conned and lied to by a bankrupt liberal establishment, whose only reason to vote for a politician or support a political party is to elect the least worst. This, for many voters, is the best Clinton can offer.
Fascism expresses itself in familiar and comforting national and religious symbols, which is why it comes in various varieties and forms. Italian fascism, which looked back to the glory of the Roman Empire, for example, never shared the Nazis’ love of Teutonic and Nordic myths. American fascism too will reach back to traditional patriotic symbols, narratives and beliefs.
Robert Paxton wrote in “The Anatomy of Fascism”:
The language and symbols of an authentic American fascism would, of course, have little to do with the original European models. They would have to be as familiar and reassuring to loyal Americans as the language and symbols of the original fascisms were familiar and reassuring to many Italians and Germans, as [George] Orwell suggested. Hitler and Mussolini, after all, had not tried to seem exotic to their fellow citizens. No swastikas in an American fascism, but Stars and Stripes (or Stars and Bars) and Christian crosses. No fascist salute, but mass recitations of the pledge of allegiance. These symbols contain no whiff of fascism in themselves, of course, but an American fascism would transform them into obligatory litmus tests for detecting the internal enemy.
Fascism is about an inspired and seemingly strong leader who promises moral renewal, new glory and revenge. It is about the replacement of rational debate with sensual experience. This is why the lies, half-truths and fabrications by Trump have no impact on his followers. Fascists transform politics, as philosopher and cultural critic Walter Benjamin pointed out, into aesthetics. And the ultimate aesthetic for the fascist, Benjamin said, is war.
Paxton singles out the amorphous ideology characteristic of all fascist movements.
Fascism rested not upon the truth of its doctrine but upon the leader’s mystical union with the historic destiny of his people, a notion related to romanticist ideas of national historic flowering and of individual artistic or spiritual genius, though fascism otherwise denied romanticism’s exaltation of unfettered personal creativity. The fascist leader wanted to bring his people into a higher realm of politics that they would experience sensually: the warmth of belonging to a race now fully aware of its identity, historic destiny, and power; the excitement of participating in a wave of shared feelings, and of sacrificing one’s petty concerns for the group’s good; and the thrill of domination.
There is only one way left to blunt the yearning for fascism coalescing around Trump. It is to build, as fast as possible, movements or parties that declare war on corporate power, engage in sustained acts of civil disobedience and seek to reintegrate the disenfranchised—the “losers”—back into the economy and political life of the country. This movement will never come out of the Democratic Party. If Clinton prevails in the general election Trump may disappear, but the fascist sentiments will expand. Another Trump, perhaps more vile, will be vomited up from the bowels of the decayed political system. We are fighting for our political life. Tremendous damage has been done by corporate power and the college-educated elites to our capitalist democracy. The longer the elites, who oversaw this disemboweling of the country on behalf of corporations—who believe, as does CBS Chief Executive Officer Leslie Moonves, that however bad Trump would be for America he would at least be good for corporate profit—remain in charge, the worse it is going to get.
Fascismo, venganza de los pobres en EE.UU.
Manuel E. Yepe
El fenómeno Trump, que aparentemente ha sorprendido tanto a especialistas en el estudio del sistema electoral estadounidense como a observadores de todas las tendencias y preferencias, ha servido, además, para alertar a muchos acerca de la inminencia del peligro fascista en el corazón del capitalismo mundial.
“Las elites universitarias que, en nombre del empresariado, llevaron a cabo un salvaje asalto neoliberal contra los trabajadores pobres, ahora se lo están haciendo pagar. Su doble juego, como en el caso de políticos como William e Hillary Clinton y Barack Obama, fue exitoso durante décadas. Estas élites, muchas de ellas de las escuelas de la Ivy League (que agrupa a centros elitistas de altos estudios de Estados Unidos), hablaban el idioma de los valores, el civismo, la inclusión, la condena al racismo abierto y la intolerancia. Se preocupaban por la clase media, al tiempo que le clavaban un puñal en la espalda de esa subclase, para satisfacción de sus amos corporativos. Este juego ha terminado.
“Hay decenas de millones de estadounidenses, especialmente blancos de clase baja que, legítimamente enfurecidos por lo que les han hecho a ellos, sus familias y sus comunidades, se están alzando para rechazar las políticas neoliberales y de corrección política impuestas por universitarios de las elites de ambos partidos políticos: los blancos de clase baja están abrazando un fascismo americano”. Los anteriores son párrafos de un artículo del influyente diario digital Truthdig, en el que su columnista habitual, Chris Hedges, advierte, en un comentario titulado “La venganza de las clases bajas y el alza del fascismo americano”, que estos ciudadanos aspiran a una especie de libertad para odiar, libertad para idealizar la violencia y defender la cultura de las armas. Quieren la libertad de tener enemigos, castigar físicamente los asaltantes musulmanes, a los trabajadores indocumentados, los afroamericanos, y a los homosexuales… Quieren, así mismo, libertad para recordar eventos y figuras históricas condenadas por las élites de la educación superior, incluyendo el Ku Klux Klan y la Confederación del Sur. Quieren libertad para silenciar a quienes pretendan decirles cómo comportarse. Y libertad para el disfrute de su hipermasculinidad, el racismo, el sexismo y el patriarcado blanco, sentimientos básicos todos ellos del fascismo, engendrados por el colapso del estado liberal”.
El artículo sostiene que los demócratas están jugando un juego muy peligroso al situar a Hillary Clinton como su candidata presidencial. Ella enfatiza el doble juego de las élites de educación superior universitaria que hablan del dolor de los hombres y mujeres, y sostienen la Biblia de la corrección política mientras venden a los pobres y a la clase obrera al poder corporativo.
Los republicanos, energizados por la versión de estrella de la realidad de los Estados Unidos que es Donald Trump, han ido captando votantes, especialmente votantes nuevos, en tanto que los demócratas están muy por debajo en tales desvíos respecto a 2008. En una votación muy reciente, 5,6 millones de votos fueron emitidos para los demócratas mientras que 8,3 millones fueron a los republicanos. Estas cifras prácticamente se invirtieron respecto a las de 2008 cuando 8,2 millones fueron para los demócratas y unos 5 millones para los republicanos.
Citando a George Orwell, el trabajo publicado en la columna semanal habitual de Chris Hedges en Thruthdig, advierte que el lenguaje y los símbolos de un auténtico fascismo americano tendrían poco que ver con los de los modelos europeos; tendrían que ser tan familiares y tranquilizadores a los ciudadanos estadounidenses tal como la lengua y los símbolos originales del fascismo europeo eran familiares y tranquilizadores a muchos italianos y alemanes. “Hitler y Mussolini, después de todo, evitaron parecer exóticos a sus conciudadanos”. Por eso no hay suásticas en el fascismo americano, sino estrellas y barras patrióticas, y cruces cristianas. Nada de saludo fascista, solo juramentos de fidelidad. Estos símbolos no contienen ningún elemento de fascismo en sí mismos “para no ser detectados por el enemigo interno”.
El trabajo de Hedges concluye pronosticando que, si Hillary Clinton prevaleciera en las elecciones generales, Trump pudiera desaparecer, pero los sentimientos fascistas se expandirán. “Un daño enorme se ha hecho por el poder corporativo y las elites universitarios a nuestra democracia capitalista. Las élites, que supervisaron este fenómeno en el país por encargo de las corporaciones creyendo que si bien sería un mal triunfo para Estados Unidos, por lo menos sería bueno para el beneficio de las corporaciones, comprobarán que lo peor está por venir”.
Blog del autor: http://manuelyepe.wordpress.com/